Philosophy and Religion / J. C. Chatterji: Kashmir Shaivism |
Jagadish Chandra Chatterji
Kashmir Shaivism
Part I. History and Literature
The first beginnings of what has been called ‘Kashmir Shaivaism', to distinguish it from other forms of Shaivaism known and still practised in different parts of India, may have to be traced to the Shiva Sutras1, which, together with the commentary on them by Kshemaraja called the Vimarshini, have been published as the opening volume of this series of publications, i.e. The Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies. Its teachings and practices are given, in the literature of the system, the distinctive name of Trika-shasana, Trika-shastra or simply Trika2; and are often referred to as the Rahasya-Sampradaya3, while Shaivaism in general is spoken of as Shiva-Shasana4 or Shivagama.
The peculiarity of the Trika consists in the fact that, as a system of Philosophy, it is a type of idealistic monism (advaita)5 and as such differs in fundamental principles from other forms of Shaiva Philosophy, for instance, from what is described under the name of the Shaiva Darshana in the Sarva-Darshana-Sangraha of Madhavacharya.
Although the Trika form of Shaivaism would seem to have made its first appearance in Kashmir at the beginning of the ninth, or perhaps towards the end of the eighth century of the Christian era6, Shiva Shasana or Shivagama, that is Shaivaism as such, is far older than this date.7 Indeed we may have to trace its beginnings in the Vedic Revelations. In Kashmir itself—where even the most orthodox followers of the Shivagama admit that the Trika-Shasana first appeared (or, as they put it, reappeared) about the beginning of the ninth Christian century—Shivagama is regarded as of high antiquity, indeed of eternal existence like the Vedas. According to the belief and tradition of the Kashmir Shaivas, the history of Shivagama and of the Trika is as follows:
“Before their manifestation, all Shastras which are but thoughts expressed as speech, like the manifested universe itself which forms the object of that thought and speech, existed in the as yet unuttered thought and experience of the Supreme Deity in the form of the 'All-transcending Word' (the Para Vak) that is beyond all objective thought and speech in every one of their forms, not excepting even the Avyakta, the most germinal of them.
“Next, as the manifestation of the Universe begins, the Para Vak, the All-transcending Word, also begins to appear in the form of that thought and experience which would hold, as it were in a mighty Vision, the whole universe which is to be and which is still in a most germinal and undifferentiated state so that it cannot yet be thought, much less spoken of, as consisting of This’ or That'—the Para Vak puts forth, in other words, another form, that of the Pashyanti which is the 'Vision'8 of the whole Universe in its undifferentiated form. Then as the of the Universe progresses, and its contents form the objects of discursive thought and they become distinguishable from one another as This' or That’, —what was erstwhile the all-holding 'field of Vision,' the Pashyanti Vak, assumes a third form, the Middle one, Madhyama, which stands, as it were as a link, between, on the one hand, the undifferentiated Pashyanti and, on the other, what is soon going to be the spoken word, the Vaikhari Vak9, which is but thought and experience expressed by means of the vocal organ. And what are called the Shaiva Shastras—indeed all Shastras—are nothing but this Divine Madhyama Vak assuming these forms and 'flowing out,' as the Vaikhari or spoken words, in five 'streams,' from what may be regarded as the 'Five Faces' of the Deity, - the Faces which represent the five aspects of His five-fold power and glory—namely, of Chit, Ananda, Ichchha, Jnana and Kriya10, and which are respectively called Ishana, Tat-Purusha, Sadyojata, Aghora and Vama. The Shaiva Shastras, which thus streamed forth from the five Divine Mouths in these the five-fold faces of the Deity, consisted originally and in their entirety of no less than sixty-four 'systems' representing as many aspects of thought and suited to the diverse needs of the people but were all divisible under the three classes what taught
“a. the essential unity and identity of all that appears as the many; (Advaita or Abheda);
"b. the diversity of principles which, in this way only i.e. as a diversity, could be comprehended by some as the essence of things (Bheda); and
"c. the unity, from one point of view, and diversity from another, of these principles according to the comprehension of others (Bheddbheda).11
But of these sixty four systems, which, as such, at first appeared in the form of the Madhyama Vak of the Deity and afterwards 'streamed forth' from his five Divine Mouths, as Vaikhari the Spoken words, but which had all along existed, first as the Para and then in the Pashyanti form—of these sixty-four Shaiva Shastras most disappeared with the growing influence of the Kali age and with the gradual disappearance of the Rishis who, having learnt the Shastras, were the repositories of their knowledge. As, thus, with the disappearance of the Shastras the world became engrossed in spiritual darkness, Shiva, —as the Deity is called, —took pity on men and, appearing on the Kailasa mountain in the form of Shrikantha, commanded the Sage Durvasas to spread in the world the knowledge of these Shastras again. Durvasas, thus commanded, created, by the power of his mind, three sons, —Tryambaka, Amardaka and Shrinatha by names—whom he charged with the mission of establishing spiritual order and of teaching men again the ancient and eternal Shaiva faith and doctrine in their three aspects of Abheda, Bheda and Bhedabheda—of Unity, Diversity and Diversity-in-unity,— Tryambaka was to teach the first, Amardaka the second, while Shrinatha was to have the charge of the last. It is this Abheda or Advaya Shaiva teaching, thus retaught to the world by Tryambaka, which is spoken of as the Trika."12
However this may be, before tracing the history of the Trika as represented in its existing literature, since its appearance—or reappearance according to the belief of its followers—in the 9th. Christian Century, it may be convenient to give here a brief account of this literature itself.
The literature of the Trika falls into three broad divisions:—
A. THE AGAMA-SHASTRA,
B. THE SPANDA-SHASTRA, and
C. THE PRATYABHIJNA-SHASTRA.13
The chief features of the three Shastras, as they are called, and a few of the principal and still existing works belonging to each of them are as follows:—
A. THE AGAMA-SHASTRA — This is regarded as of superhuman authorship. It lays down both the doctrines (jnana) the practices (kriya) of the system as revelations which are believed to have come down (agama) through the ages, being handed down from teacher to pupil.
Among the works (if they may be so called) belonging to this Shastra there is a number of Tantras, of which the chief ones are the following:—
Malini Vijaya (or Malini Vijayottara)
Svachchhanda
Vijnana Bhairava
Uchcchhushma Bhairava
Ananda Bhairava (lost)
Mrigendra
Matanga
Netra
Naishvasa
Svayambhuva
Rudra-yamala (from which the famous Para-Trimshika verses are said to be taken)
Most of these had existed long before the appearance (or reappearance ) of the Trika and taught mostly a dualistic doctrine; at any rate they seem to have been interpretated in a dualistic, even pluralistic, sense.14
It was to stop the spread of this dualistic teaching15 and to show that the highest form of the Shivagama taught only the pure Advaita Tattva—Idealistic Monism—that there were revealed the Shiva Sutras, which therefore form, from the Trika point of view, the most important part of the Agama Shastra. Indeed, they are spoken of as the ‘Shivopanishat-Sangraha’16 which is again interpreted as ‘Shivarahagyagama-Shastra-Sangraha'. Their authorship is attributed to Shiva himself,17 while they are said to have been revealed to the sage Vasugupta who must have lived towards the end of the eighth or the beginning of the ninth Christian century.18
On the Shiva Sutras there are:—
a. The Vritti
b. The Varttika, of Bhaskara.
and c. The Commentary called Vimarshini by Kshemaraja.
Of these, the Varttika is admittedly of a later date, perhaps of the 11th. century,19 while what is now known as the Shiva-Sutra Vritti is of uncertain authorship. Almost every word of this Vritti is to be found interspersed in the Vimarshini of Kshemaraja. The Vritti may thus be either an extract from the Vimarshini or it may be un earlier work which was incorporated by Kshemaraja in his commentary. This is, however, a point which I have at present no means of deciding.
There are also commentaries on some of the Tantras. Of these the chief ones are the following:—
the Uddyota on the Svachchhanda
do do Netra
do do Vijnana-Bhairava
Vritti do Matanga
These commentaries are great attempts to show how the pre-Shiva-Sutra Tantras taught the Advaita Tattva, although in reality they seem to have taught but plain and unvarnished dualism and even pluralism, like what is described as the Shaiva Darshana in Madhava's Sarva Darshana Sangraha. That some of the Tantras had had dualistic interpretations can be definitely proved. We find, for instance, at the end of the Commentary on the Svachchhanda, called the Uddyota, by Kshemaraja, the following verses: —
नान्नैव भेददृष्टिर्विधुता येनास्वतन्त्रतातध्वा ।
श्रीमत्स्वतन्त्रतन्त्रं भेदव्याख्यां न तत् सहपे ॥
भेददर्शनसंस्कार- रससंतति-मादितः ।
स्वच्छस्वच्छन्दचित्स्वात्मसतत्त्वं नेक्षते जनः ॥
गतानुगतिकप्रोक्तभेदव्याख्यातमोऽपनुत् ।
तेनाद्वैतामृतस्फीतः स्वच्छन्दोद्द्योत उम्भितः ॥
From this it is clear that the doctrines of the Tantra had previously been understood to represent a dualistic system of philosophy and that it was only after the rise of the Advaita Shaivaism that the Tantra-Shastra was incorporated into the literature of the Trika by giving a different interpretation to it.20
Even the Malini Vijaya, which is regarded as one of the best authorities21 on Advaita Shaivaism, containing the true doctrine of the Siddha Yogishvara, would seem originally to have been a work on dualistic Shaivaism.22
B. THE SPANDA SHASTRA—This lays down the main principles of the system in greater detail and in a more amplified form than the Shiva Sutras, without, or hardly, entering into philosophical reasonings in their support.
Of the treatises belonging to this Shastra, the first and foremost are:—
i. The Spanda Sutras, generally called the Spanda Karikas. These Sutras (really verses, numbering 52)23 are based on the Shiva Sutras, on which they form a sort of running commentary; but a commentary which only enunciates the principles, no doubt in fuller detail, still without entering much into philosophical reasoning. The collection of the Spanda Sutras spoken of as संग्रहग्रन्थ24 i.e. a work which gathers together the meaning of the Shiva Sutras.
The Spanda Sutras are attributed by Kshemaraja to Vasugupta himself but they were composed most likely by the latter's pupil, Kallata.
On these Sutras there is,
ii. The Vritti by Kallata.
The Vritti, together with the Sutras or Karikas, is called the Spanda-Sarvasana. These are practically all of what now remains of original Spanda Shastra. But on the Spanda Sutras there are the following commentaries: —
i. The Vivriti by Ramakantha,25 a pupil of the great Utpala, the son of Udayakara and author of the Pratya-bhijna-Karikas.
ii. The Pradipika by Utpala—not the same as Utpala, the son of Udayakara, mentioned above. The author of the Pradipika is traditionally known as Utpala Vaishnava to distinguish him from his great namesake. Utpala Vaishnava lived later than Utpala author of the Pratyabhijna but earlier than Abhinava Gupta.26
iii. The Spanda Sandoha by Kshemaraja. It is a commentary on only the first, Sutra or Karika, but explains the purport of the whole work.
iv. Spanda Nirnaya, also by Kshemaraja. Of this work only the first section, called the first Nihshyanda, is available in Kashmir—at least I not as yet succeeded in securing a complete MS. of it.27
C. THE PRATYABHIJNA SHASTRA—This may be regarded as the manana- or vichara-Shastra, i.e. philosophy proper,28 of the Trika. It deals rationally with the doctrines, tries to support them by reasoning and refutes the views of opponents. Indeed, the method of the founder of this Shastra, the Siddha Somananda, most probably a pupil of Vasugupta, is said to have been The exhaustive treatment of the doctrines of his own system as well us of those of opponents'.29 Somananda is also spoken of as the originator of reasoning (तर्कस्यकर्ता),30 namely, in support of the Trika.
The first work which laid the foundation of this branch was the
(i) Shiva Drishti
by Somananda himself. As the name implies, Shiva Drishti, which is the same as Shiva Darshana,31 was par excellence the philosophy of Kashmir Shaivaism. Unfortunately the work is not to be had now in its completeness—at least I have not succeeded yet in securing a complete MS. of it nor have I heard of its existence anywhere in Kashmir. So far I have seen only the first four Ahnikas of the work (the fourth in fragments). But it must have been of a considerable size and must have extended at least to seven Ahnikas, if not more.32
Somananda composed a Vritti of his own on the Shiva Drishti. But this, with other works of his, are lost now and we know them only by name and from quotations from them.
The next and now the most important existing work of this Shastra is
(ii) the Ishvara Pratyabhijna
or simply the Pratyabhijna Sutras by Utpala,33 the famous pupil of Somananda. It is a work in verses which are called Sutras.
It is a shorter work than the Shiva Drishti which even in its existing parts contains more than 307 anushtubh verses, while the total number, of verses in the Pratyabhijna Sutras is only 190.34
In his own Sutras or verses, Utpala summarised the teaching of his master Somananda. Indeed, his Ishvara Pratyabhijna is spoken of as only “the reflection of the wisdom taught by Somananda."35
Being a shorter and more compact work the Pratyabhijna would seem to have superseded, to a great extent at least, the Shiva Dristi of Somananda. Indeed, the Pratyabhijna assumed such an important position that the whole system of the Shaiva Philosophy of Kashmir would seem to have come to be known, outside Kashmir, as the Pratyabhijna Darshana, under which name Madhavacharya treats of the Trika in his Sarva Darshana Sangraha.36
However this may be, round the Sutras or Karikas of Utpala there grew up a mass of literature; and the Pratyabhijna Sutras, together with the various Commentaries on them and with other works which drew their inspiration from the Sutras, now constitute perhaps the greater portion of the existing writings on Kashmir Shaivaism.
Of the commentaries on the Pratyabhijna Sutras, the following are still available, either complete or in parts:—
a. The Vritti by Utpala himself (available only incomplete—up to verse 161 i.e. Ill. ii. 9.)37
b. The Pratyabhijna Vimarshini by Abhinava Gupta (complete), also called the Laghvi Vritti i.e. the Shorter Commentary.
c. The Pratyabhijna Vivriti Vimarshini, also called the Brihati Vritti or Longer Commentary, by the same author.
This latter work is a Commentary really on the lost Tika, presumably called the Vivriti, on the Sutras by Utpala himself. Complete MSS. of this work are very rare in Kashmir. I have seen only one complete MS. of the work and have heard of the existence of only one other.38
In addition to these three main divisions of the Shaiva literature there are also
(a) a number of compositions called “Stotras," which give expression to the Philosophical doctrines of the system in a devotional form and occupy the same position in this system as the Vedanta Stotras do in the Vedanta system; and
(b ) a number of compositions on the daily practices and ceremonials to be performed by a Shaiva.
Those two classes, however, may be regarded as forming parts of the three main groups named above—class (a) belonging to the groups B and C, and (b) to A.
Finally there is the great work, Tantraloka, by Abhinava Gupta, which forms a class by itself and deals comprehensively with Shaivaism in all aspects.39
Of these three branches of the Kashmir Shaiva literature the first, that is the Agama Shastra, is attributed to Shiva himself who is represented in the Tantra section of this Shastra as explaining the doctrines and practices of Shaivaism, generally to Parvati in answer to her questions, while He is believed to have Himself composed the Shiva Sutras, in which He laid down the principles in compact form and which were revealed to Vasugupta; the second was originated either by Vasugupta himself or by his pupil Kallata; while the third was founded by Siddha Somananda.
Leaving aside the Agama Shastra, including the Shiva Sutras of which the authorship is attributed to Shiva Himself, we have to regard Vasugupta and Somananda as the human founders of the Advaita Shaivaism which is peculiar to Kashmir.
Of these two again, while Vasugupta gave out the doctrines merely as revelations and articles of faith, Somananda, who was most likely a pupil of Vasugupta,40 laid the foundation of their philosophy.
Of the personality and lineage of Vasugupta we know little from himself. If he recorded anything on these points, it is lost with most of his writings. Whatever little we know now of him is from his pupils, who tell us that he lived in retirement, as a holy sage, in the charming valley of what is now called the Harwan stream (the ancient Shadarhad-vana) behind the Shalimar garden near Srinagar.41
And we can also gather from the Raja Tarangini, v. 66, which states that Kallata flourished in the reign of king Avanti-Varman of Kashmir i.e. in the latter half of the 9th Christian century, that Vasugupta, Kallata's Guru, must have taught not much earlier than the first half of the same century, i.e., either at the end of the 8th or the beginning of the 9th century A. C.
While we know nothing more than this about Vasugupta, Somananda, the founder of the Pratyabhijna Shastra tells us a good deal about his lineage. We find the following account given by Somananda himself:—
शैवदीनि रहस्यानि पूर्वमासन्महात्मनाम्।
ऋषीणां वक्त्रकुहरे तेष्वेवानुग्रहक्रिया॥
कलौ प्रवृत्ते यातेषु तेषु दुर्गमगोचरम्।
कलापिग्रामप्रमुखमुच्छिन्ने शिवशासने॥
कैलासाद्रौ भ्रमन्देवो मूर्त्या श्रीकण्ठरूपया।
अनुग्रहायावतीर्णश्चोदयामास भूतले॥
मुनिं दुर्वाससं नाम भगवानूर्ध्वरेतसम्।
नोच्छिद्येत यथा शास्त्रं रहस्यं कुरु तादृशम्॥
ततः स भगवान्देवादादेशं प्राप्य यत्नवान् ।
ससर्ज मानसं पुत्रं त्र्यम्बकादित्यनामकम् ॥
तस्मिन् संक्रामयामास रहस्यानि समन्ततः ।
सोऽपि गत्वा गुहां सम्यक् त्र्यम्बकाख्यस्ततः परम् ॥
ज्ञानमभ्यासकाष्ठां तन्नीतवान् स गुहान्तरे ।
तन्नान्ना चिह्निता सापि गुहा ख्यातात्र भूतले ॥
स तत्र ज्ञानसंसिद्ध्या ससर्ज मनसा सुतम् ।
खस्योत्पतनसंसिद्धस्तत्पुत्रेऽपि यथा तथा ॥
सिद्धस्तद्वत्सुतोत्पत्त्या सिद्धा एवं चतुर्दश ।
यावत्पञ्चदशः पुत्रः सर्वशास्त्रविशारदः ॥
स कदाचिद्रागवशात् कुतश्चिद्ब्राह्मणात् स्वयम् ।
ब्राह्मणीमानयामास ततो जातस्तथाविधः ॥
तनयः स च कलेन कश्मीरेष्वागतो भ्रमन् ।
नान्ना स संङ्गमादित्यो वर्षादित्यस्तु तत्सुतः ॥
तस्याप्यभूत् स भगवान् अरुणादित्यसंज्ञकः ।
आनन्दसंज्ञकस्तस्मात्स बभूव तथाविधः ॥
तस्मादस्मि समुद्भूतः सोमानन्दाख्य ईदृशः ॥42
While thus we know something of Somananda's descent in his own words, we know the period when he must have lived from that of the great scholar and Shaiva teacher, Mahamaheshvara Abhinava Gupta, who lived, as we know from his own statements, towards the end of the tenth and the first quarter of the 11th Christian century and who was the fourth in succession from Somnnanda in line of spiritual discipleship. Somananda was followed by his famous pupil Utpala, son of Udayakara and author or the Ishvara Pratyabhijna Karikas and many other works; and he by Lakshmana Gupta who was the Guru of Abhinava Gupta, Somananda thus having flourished four generations earlier than Abhinava Gupta must have lived towards the end of the ninth century,43 and as said above, was most likely pupil of Vasugupta44 who flourished at about the same period or somewhat earlier.
Thus it will be seen that the origin of both the Advaita Shaiva Faith and Philosophy of Kashmir—ag the teachings of the Agama and Spanda Shastras on the one hand and of the Pratyabhijna Shastra on the other may respectively be called—must be traced to the end of the 8th or the beginning of the 9th century A.C.; and they were then founded by men who were both regarded as holy sages.
One of them, Somananda, claimed descent from the great sage Durvasas himself and his "mind-born" son Tryambaka, while about the other, wonderful stories are told. One of these stories is connected with the origin of the Shiva Sutras themselves.
We are told in the Shiva Sutra Virnarshini, that Vasugupta, while residing in his hermitage below the Mahadeva peak,45 had one night a dream in which Shiva, who was moved to compassion to see the world immersed in spiritual darkness, appeared and disclosed to the sage the existence of certain Sutras—embodying the essence of the Shiva Shasana—which were to be found inscribed on a rock. The rock had been, Vasugupta was informed in the dream, lying in a certain part of the valley, with the inscribed side turned downwards and hidden from the profane gaze. But if he went there in the morning, he was also told in the dream, the rock would turn over of its own accord by his very touch and he should then learn the Sutras of which the meaning would be revealed to him and he should teach them to worthy pupils. A huge rock represented in the second illustration published in the Shiva Sutra Vimarshini is still pointed out as the one upon which these Sutras were found inscribed, although no trace whatever of any inscription on it is now to be detected. The rock goes by the name of Shankarpal which may be merely a corrupt form of the Sanskrit Shankaropala; and the Sutras found thereon are, according to Kshemaraja, the very ones which were expounded by him in his Vimarshini and which are now printed as a whole, for the first time as far as I know.46
There is, however, a different version of this tradition.47 It has been recorded by at least three writers, Rajanaka Rama or Ramakhanta,48 author of the Spanda Vivriti, Utpala, son of Trivikrama and author of the Spanda Pradipika and finally by Bhaskara, son of Divakara and author of the Shiva Sutra Varttika. According to this version the Sutras, although composed by Shiva himself,49 were taught to Vasugupta by a Siddha i.e. a super-human being with high spiritual attainments. In other words Vasugupta did not find them inscribed on a rock—their existence in this form having been revealed to him by Shiva in a dream—as related by Kshemaraja. This is most likely the original version of the tradition, unless we regard what is recorded by Kallata, who was a pupil of Vasugupta himself, as the original tradition, which, while not knowing anything of the Sutras having been found inscribed on a rock, did state, as said above, that they were taught by Shiva himself—and not by a Siddha—in a dream. Kshemaraja is, as far as I know, the only writer who gives the other version. It, however, seems certain that although the original version knew nothing of the Sutras having been found inscribed on a rock and of Shiva himself having given Vasugupta, in a dream, the information of their existence in this form, it did know that either a Siddha or Shiva himself taught the Sutras to Vasugupta, not in the ordinary way but in a dream, and that the Sutras so taught to Vasugupta were the composition of Shiva himself.
However this may be, and however Vasugupta may have obtained them, it is clear that the Shiva Sutras as taught by him laid the foundation of the Advaita Shivaism of Kashmir—or, of the Trika, as is called.
It is also clear from all accounts that the chief agent by whom Vasugupta had his teachings promulgated was his pupil Kallata, who lived, according to the Raja Tarangini, in the days of king Avanti-Varman (855—883 A.C.), as said above. But there is a difference of opinion as to how this was done. According to the tradition, which is recorded by Kshemaraja50 and which would seem in later times to have been generally accepted51 in Kashmir, Vasugupta himself wrote the Spanda Sutras or Karikas basing them on the Shiva Sutras, which had been revealed to him. And the Spanda Sutras thus composed by himself were taught by him, along with the Shiva Sutras, to Kallata and other pupils, while Kallata spread their knowledge by writing commentaries on them.
But what seems to be the older, and perhaps correct, account is given, among others, by Rama, author of The Spanda Vivriti, Utpala Vaishnava52 and Bhaskara, author of the Shiva Sutra Varttika. The last named of the three, Bhaskara, gives the tradition in some detail. He says:—
"Formerly, on the holy Mahadeva mountain, the Shiva Sutras with their mysterious meanings were revealed to the Guru, Vasugupta, by the teachings of a Siddha. He then transmitted them to the revered and learned Kallata Bhatta. Having received, in this way, these Sutras in four parts, he afterwards expounded three parts out of the four by his own Spanda Sutras and the last part by the Tika called the Tattvartha-Chintamani.53
From the above it would appear that Vasugupta did no more than simply transmit the Sutras with their meanings to Kallata who spread their knowledge by writing explanatory treatises on them, one of these treatises being called Spanda Sutras, which are no other than what are now generally called the Spanda Karikas.54 It is however possible that Vasugupta wrote a work called Spandamrita,55 which Kallata made use of in composing his Spanda Sutras or Karikas. Indeed his Spanda Sutras may not be anything more than the Spandamrita of Vasugupta with only a few additions and alterations of his own,56 very much like the Paramartha-Sara of the great Abhinava Gupta, who in later times adapted the old Adhara Karikas attributed to Shesha Naga to something suited to his own purpose.57 Kallata wrote on the Spanda Karikas also a short Vritti which, together with the Karikas, is called Spanda Sarvasva. In the Spanda Sarvasva, Kallata 'gathered together'58 the meaning of the Shiva Sutras; while evidently on some of the latter he wrote commentary, the Tattavartha Chintmani, and also perhaps another, named the Madhuvahini,59 and together with these he handed down the Shiva Sutras to his pupil Pradyumna Bhatta who was also a cousin of his, being a son of his maternal uncle. Pradyumna Bhatta in his turn handed the teaching to his son Prajnarjuna and he to his pupil Mahadeva. The latter again transmitted it on to his son Shrikantha Bhatta from whom Bhaskara, sen of Divakara, received them and wrote his Varttika on them.60
In the Varttika of Bhaskara, therefore, we have got what Kallata must have taught as, in all essentials, the meaning of the Shiva Sutras. And we can see at once from it that Kallata handed down the teaching merely as religious doctrines, which he no doubt explained in some detail without, or hardly, entering into any philosophical reasoning in their support.
Yet in a country like India, where philosophic reasoning has from early times played such an important part, it was essential for any system of religion to give full philosophical reasons in its support, if it was at all to hold its own, especially in an age when Buddhism exercised such a great influence as it did in Kashmir about the time the Advaita Shaivaism as represented by the Trika made its appearance. This need must, have been felt almost from the beginning—a need which was not met by the writings of Kallata. And it was undoubtedly to meet this necessity that there grew up another line of activity supplementing that followed by Kallata. This was started by the Siddha Somananda, who like Kallata may have been a pupil of Vasugupta himself.61 While Kalatta may be said to have handed down the doctrines as a system of religion, Somananda supplied the logical reasoning in their support and made a system of Advaita Philosophy of what was at first taught as a system of faith, and thus founded the Pratyabhijna Shastra which is mentioned above and which is so named after the Pratyubhijna Sutras or Karikas of his pupil Utpala.
And as, for the success of a religion in a philosophic land like India, it was necessary to lay greater stress on the philosophical reason of the religion, the work of Somananda was carried on in greater detail by Utpala and Abhinava Gupta, his great successors in the line of discipleship. This branch, therefore, forms perhaps a far larger portion of the Shaiva literature of Kashmir than either of the other two. Indeed, the Pratyabhijna method of treating the Shaiva doctrines came to be regarded as so important that it was adopted, more or less, practically by all subsequent writers on the subject. Among these later writers are to be mentioned:
1. Kshemaraja, who was the author of the Shiva Sutra Vimarshini and several other works,62 and who was a pupil of Abhinava Gupta;
2. Yogaraja, author of the Commentary on Abhinava Gupta's Paramahartha Sara Sangraha and a pupil apparently of both Abhinava Gupta and Kshemaraja.63
3. Jayaratha, commentator on the Tantraloka of Abhinava Gupta; and
4. Shivopadhyaya, author of a Commentary on the Vijnana Bhairava.
Kshemaraja being a pupil of Abhinava Gupta must have lived and written in the eleventh Christian century and Yogaraja, being junior to Kshemaraja, may be considered as having continued the labours of his masters till either the end of the same or the beginning of the 12th century; whereas Jayaratha and Shivopadhyaya must have lived in the 12th64 and the 18th65 centuries A.C. respectively. After this date we do not find any great writer on the Shaivaism of Kashmir and the history of its literature may be regarded as closed, although the Shaiva faith is still living in the valley and there are also a few Pandits66 who still continue the study of its literature at least in some of its branches. The study of most of them, however, does not go beyond the Spanda-Karikas and the Pratyabhijna-Hridaya, a compendium of only 20 Sutras by Kshemaraja.
Such is the end of the Shaivaism of Kashmir and of its history which may be summarised in a tabulated form as follows:—
As for the writings of the above the following list may be useful:—
1. Vasu Gupta received inspirationally the Shiva Sutras. Wrote:
• Spandamrita, probably incorporated in the Spanda Karikas.
• A Commentary on the Bhagavad Gita called the Vasavi-Tika of which the first six chapters are perhaps still to be found existing as incorporated in another Tika on the Bha. Gita called Lasaki, by Rajanaka Lasakaka, of which MSS. are available.
2. Kallata67 wrote:
• Spanda Karikas
• Spanda Vritti (or Spanda Sarvasva)
• Tattvartha-Chintamani ( lost )
• Madhuvahini (lost); both the above were Commentaries on the Shiva Sutras.
3. Somananda wrote:
• Shiva Drishti
• A Vritti on the above.
4. Utpalacarya wrote:
• Pratyabhijna Karikas or Sutras.
• Vrtti on above; only incomplete MSS. Available.
• Tika on the same called Vivrti (lost).
• Stotravali
• Ishvara-Siddhi
• Ajadapramatri-Siddhi
5. Rama wrote:
• Spanda-Vivriti
• Commentary on the Matanga Tantra.(?)
• Commentary on the Bh. Gita from the Shaiva point of view. (?)
6. Utpala Viashnava wrote:
• Spanda Pradipika and other works referred to therein but now lost.
7. Abhinava Gupta wrote:
• Malini-Vijaya-Varttika
• Para-Trimshika-Vivarana
• Shiva-Drishtyalochana (lost)
• Pratyabhijna-Vimarshini (Laghvi Vritti)
• Pratyabhijna-Vivrti-Vimarshini (Brihati-Vritti)
• Tantraloka
• Tantrasara
• Paramarthasara;
besides numerous other works.
8. Bhaskara wrote:
• Shiva-Sutra-Varttika
9. Kshemaraja wrote:
• Shiva-Sutra-Vritti(?)
• Shiva-Sutra-Vimarshini
• Pratyabhijna-Hridaya (both Sutras and commentary)
• Spanda-Sandoha
• Spanda-Nirnaya (incomplete).
Besides Commentaries on several of the Tantras.
10. Yogaraja wrote:
• Commentary on the Paramarthasara of Abhinava Gupta.
11. Jayaratha wrote:
• Commentary on the Tantraloka.
12. Shivopadhyaya wrote:
• Commentary on the Vijnana Bhairava Tantra.
The following table showing the known facts as to the dates and mutual relation of the principal writers on Kashmir Shaivaism may also be appended here:—
Footnotes
1. Dr. Bühler (Report pp. 78 & clxvii) calls them the ‘Spanda Sutras’ which however is a mistake. The name Spanda Sutras is given to the Spanda-Karikas. That by the Shiva Sutras, the Sutras published in the first volume of this series are meant may be seen from the Shiva Sutra Varttika where the Sutras are often introduced with the words शिवः सूत्रमरीरचत् or सूत्रमाह महेश्वरः. The Spanda Pradipika (on Karika 11) and the Tantraloka (Ahn. i. p. 40 of MS.), among others, also refer to them as the Shiva Sutras.
2. Even षडर्धक्रमशास्त्र, see Tantra-Sara, Ahm ix ( beginning ); also षडर्धक्रमविज्ञान, Tantral. Viv. i. 9. The word Trika refers, among other things, to the triple principle with which the system deals, viz. शिव-शक्ति-अणु or पति-पाश-पशु. The phrase नर-शक्ति-शिवात्मकं occurs in the Para Trim. Viv. Intro. Verse. 3.
3. The occasional reference to the system as त्रैयम्बकसंप्रदाय is due probably to the fact that Somananda, the promulgator of its philosophy, as distinguished from its doctrines as a system of faith, (see below p. 26) claimed his descent from त्र्यम्बक. For all these various names given to the system see, among others, Para Trim. Viv., Fols. 199 and 205; Tantral. Viv., Ahn. i. p. 34 and Shiva-Su. Vim. पृ० २.
4. ज्ञानाज्ञानस्वरूपं यदुक्तं प्रत्येकमप्यदः। द्विधा पौरुषबौद्धत्वविधोक्तं शिवशासने || Tantrul. i. p. 49. Here शिवशासने is explained by the commentator as पश्चस्त्रोतोरूपे पारमेश्वरे दर्शने. From this it is clear that शिवशासने means Shaivaism or Shaiva Philosophy in general because the special Kashmiri form or Trika is regarded as not पश्चस्त्रोतोरूप but only ऊर्ध्वस्त्रोतोरूप; see below p. 6, note I.
5. See below Part II. As an example of its thorough-going Advaitism the opening stanza of the Shiva Drishti of Somananda may be quoted. It runs as below:—
अस्मद्रूपसमाविष्टः स्वात्मनात्मनिवारणे ।
शिवः करोतु निजया नमः शक्त्या ततात्मने ॥
Here the worshipper as well as the obstacles for the removal of which the worship is offered (आत्मनिवारणे i.e. आत्मस्वरूपभूतानां विघ्नानां प्रतिविधानार्थम् ) are regarded as essentially the same as Shiva himself. Such being the teaching of the Trika Shastra, which includes, as will be seen the Spanda Shastra, the identification of the latter with what is termed ‘Shaiva Darshana’ in the Sarva Darshana Sangraha of Madhavacharya, as was done by Dr. Bühler, is evidently a mistake. As a matter of fact, Kashmir Shaivaism or the Trika, is treated in that work under the name of Pratyabhijna Darsbana. That Madhvacharya was right in this will be shown later (below pp. 17-20). See also Bhandarkar, page 81.
6. See below.
7. Bhandarkar p. 76. It would be most interesting to trace the history of Shaivaism in general from its very beginning, which is most likely to be found outside the valley of Kashmir, and of its subsequent spread from the valley under the form of the Trika, specially as this investigation has now been started by the papers of Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar (paper on Lakulisha) and Drs. Fleet ( J. R. A. S. for 1907, pp. 419 et seqq. ) and Barnett (Siddhanta Dipika, Vol. xi, pp. 62-64 and 101-103 and J. R. A. S. for 1910, p. 706). But I had to give up this attempt, which, with great diffidence no doubt, I once thought of undertaking, for two reasons: the great difficulty in getting (situated as I am in Kashmir ) necessary works for study and reference and the consideration that the result of such an investigation could not very well be incorporated in what was to be merely an introduction to a text, without making the publication inordinately bulky, but should be published separately as an independent volume.
8. ‘…… पश्यन्ती दर्शनात्मिका ।’ Shiva Drish., ii. 35. See also Utpala's Comm. on Shiva Drish., ii. 1 and 3. Comp. also the Greek philosophical conception of the 'Idea.'
9. i. विभक्तककारादिवर्णरूपा वैखरी वर्ण्यते । Utpala's Tika on Shiva Drish. ii. 7, where the following is also quoted
स्थानेषु विवृते वायौ कृतवर्णपरिग्रहा ।
वैखरी वाक् प्रयोकॄणां प्राणवृत्तिनिबन्धना ॥
ii. विखरे शरीरे भवत्वात् वैखरी Tantral. Viv. iii. p. 136. The explanation of वैखरी however, given by the commentator on the Alankara-Kaustubha, would seem to indicate that he derived it from ख्र or ख्रु (as preserved in विख्र and विख्रु) meaning the nose, or rather, the vocal organ.
10. For the meanings of these technical terms, which are left purposely untranslated here, see below Part Il.
11. See my Hindu Realism, Introduction, Section on the meaning of Prasthana-bheda, pp. 5—10.
12. The above is freely translated from the following account summarised from the Tantraloka and its Commentary.
इह खलु परपरामर्शसारबोधात्मिकायां परस्यां वाचि सर्वभावनिर्भरत्वात् सर्वं शास्त्रं
परबोधात्मकतयैव उज्जृम्भमाणं सत्, पश्यन्तिदशायां वाच्यवाचकाविभागस्वभावत्वेन
असाधारणतया अहंप्रत्यवमर्शात्मकमन्तरुदेति; अत एव हि तत्र प्रत्यवमर्शकेन प्रमात्रा परामृश्यमानो
वाच्योऽर्थोऽहन्ताच्छादित एव स्फुरति; तदनु तदेव मध्यमाभूमिकायामन्तरेव वेद्यवेदकप्रपञ्चोदयात्
भिन्नभिन्नवाच्यवाचकस्वभावतया उल्लसति । तत्र हि परमेश्वर एव चिद् आनन्द इच्छाज्ञान क्रियात्मकवक्रपश्चकासूत्रणेन
सदाशिवेश्वरदशामधिशयानः तद्वक्रपश्चकमेलनया पञ्चस्त्रोतोमयम्
अभेद-भेदाभेद-भेददशोट्टङ्कनेन तत्तद्भेद-प्रभेदवैचित्र्यात्म निखिलं शास्त्रमवतारयति
यत् बहि: वैखरीदशायां स्फुटतामियात् ।
तथा हि प्रथममेव ईशान-तत्पुरुष-सद्योजात-अघोर-वामाख्यं वक्रपञ्चकमाविरभूत्; तेभ्य
एव प्रत्येकं भुखेभ्यः चतुष्षष्टितन्त्राणि शैवदर्शनानि जज्ञिरे । तानि कलिकालुष्यात् उपदेष्टृजन-
परम्परान्तधार्नवशात् विच्छिन्नसंचाराणि व्यनश्यन् । इत्थं व्युच्छिन्ने शिवशासने कदाचित्
कैलासगिरौ परिभ्रमन् श्रीकण्ठमूर्तिः शिवो विच्छिन्नस्य निखिलशैवशास्त्रोपनिषत्सारभूतस्य
षडर्धक्रम-(त्रिकमत-) विज्ञानस्य प्रचारार्थ दुर्वाससं मुनिमाजिज्ञपत् । स मुनिः मानसान्
सिद्धान् ( त्रयम्बक-भामर्दक-श्रीनाथाख्यान् ) अद्वय-द्वय-द्वयाद्वयमतव्याख्यातॄन् मठिकासु
सत्संप्रदायमार्गं प्रचारयितुं न्ययुङ्क । तेषु मतेषु प्रशस्तम् अद्वयार्थविषयकं त्रिकाख्यमतं
त्रैयम्बकसंप्रदायकं सर्वश्रेष्ठं प्रशस्यते; यदुक्तम्
वेदाच्छैवं ततो वामं ततो दक्षं ततः कुलम् ।
ततो मतं ततश्चापि त्रिकं सर्वोत्तमं परम् ॥ [ तन्रालो० दी० ३४ पृ०]
इति; अनेन सवेस्त्रोतोमुखेभ्यः समुत्पन्नानां शैवतन्त्राणां मध्ये ऊर्ध्वस्त्रोत:प्रसृतस्य अस्यैव
सर्वोत्तमत्वात् ।
A portion of this account is given in brief in the extract made from the now lost Shiva Dristi Vritti; see below.
13. Bühler's statement (Report pp. 78 & 79) that the Spanda and the Pratyabhijna Shastras are two systems of philosophy was based on an error. See below pp. 17—33. The term as employed in this connection does not mean a separate system but a treatise or treatises dealing with a particular aspect or aspects of the same system; comp., for instance, श्रीमालिनीविजयोत्तर-सिद्धातन्त्र-स्वच्छन्दादिशास्त्रेषु; Para, Trini. Vic., fol. 73 As is well known, these works do not represent so many different systems but only treaties on the various aspects of the same system of thought, namely, the Trika. That on the Trika there were many treatises each of which was called a शास्त्र may be gathered also from the following,
शतैरेकोनर्विशत्या त्रिशिकेयं विवेचिता ।
सर्वेषु त्रिकशास्त्रेषु ग्रन्थीर्निर्दलयिष्यति ॥ Para Trim. Viv. , last verse. Com. also the phrase in शिवट्टष्टिशास्त्र Para Trim. Viv. fol. 124 क. If by शास्त्र we are to understand a separate system of philosophy, then the शिवट्टष्टिशास्त्र must also be regarded as different from the प्रत्यभिज्ञाशास्त्र .We, however, know that this is not only not the case but that the latter is only 'a reflection' (प्रतिबिम्बक) of the former; Ishv. Pra. Vim.; Intro. verse 2.
14. See below.
15. द्वैतदर्शनाधिवासितप्राये जीवलोके रहस्यसंप्रदायो मा विच्छेदि-इत्याशयतः Shiv. Su. Vim. पृ ० २
16. Shiv. Su. Vim. पृ ० ३ and foot note 14 on it.
17. Varttika, सूत्रमाह महेश्वरः or शिवः सूत्रमरीरचत् ।
18. See below.
19. See below.
20. The priority of the Tantras, at least of some of them, may be gathered from allusions to them by Somananda, for instance, in his reference to the Matanga and Svayambhuva Tantras and their Tikas (Shiva Drshti, 13—15.
21. …. तत्सारं मालिनीमतम्; Tantral. Viv. , i. p. 34; also Mal. Vij., i. 13.
22. As a prominent example of the adaptation of an older work to suit one's own purpose may be mentioned the Paramartha-Sara of Abbinava Gupta. It is admittedly based on an older treatise known as the Adhara-Karikas. Indeed, the Paramartha-Sara of Abhinava Gupta is only the Adhara Karikas with a few alterations here and there in wording and with the addition of a few verses which are Abhinava Gupta's own and the omission of a few others of the original. Abhinava Gupta is quite frank about it. For at the very beginning of his task he plainly says that he is going to explain the essence of the Adhara Karikas according to (or in the light of) the Shaiva Philosophic system, शिवदृष्टिशासनयोगेन, which is the same as शिव-(or शैव-) दर्शनशास्त्रयोगेन.
That शिवदृष्टि is the same as शिव -or शैव-दर्शन or that it may even be the particular treatise called the शिवदृष्टि (or शिवदृष्टिशास्त्र Para Trim. Viv. Fol. 124 क), which which was the first work on the subject, will be shown presently; for दृष्टि meaning दर्शन i.e. Philosophy, see below.
That शासन and शास्त्र are interchangeable terms may be gathered from the following use of the words:
क्रमपूजनमात्रं च कुलपर्वपवित्रकैः ।
सहात्र पूजनं प्रोक्तं सम्यक्त्वं त्रिकशासने ॥
यथोक्तम्
द्रवा(व्या) णामिव शारीरं
वर्णानां सृष्टिवीजकम् ।
शासनानां त्रिकं श्स्त्रां मोक्षाणां भैरवी स्थितिः ॥
Para. Trim. Viv., fol. 199 क.
The very opening sentence of the commentary on the Paramartha-sara itself also begins with the words इह शिवाद्वय-शासने which, as is obvious, means इह शिवाद्वय- (or शिवाद्वैत) शास्त्रे.
As another instance of the use of शासन meaning a system, or a system of philosophy, see the verse quoted in note above and the explanation of occurring in it.
In this connection it may be pointed out that Dr. Barnett in translating this phrase शिवदृष्टिशासनयोगेन by "in mystic vision of Shiva's law” (J, R. A. S. for July 1910, p. 719) has, I fear, made a mistake. The commentator, Yogaraja (as he is known in Kashmir and not Yogamuni) – whom Abbinava Gupta himself evidently taught for a time (see below) and who, therefore, must have known his master's meaning—clearly explains the phrase by परमाद्वयस्वस्वरूपस्वातछ्यदृष्ट्या i.e. 'according to the view (or philosophy) [which establishes] the Svatantrya of the Svasvarupa which is Paramadvaya’. The term left untranslated here are all technical terms which are special to the Shaiva Philosophy of Kashmir; and they clearly show that what the commentator means is that Abhinava Gupta is going to present the original Adhara Karikas, or their purport, in the light of the special doctrines of the Advaita Shaiva Philosophy or the Trika Shastra of Kashmir, the original Karikas having been written from the standpoint of the Sankhya philosophy— सांख्यनयोक्तोपदे शानुसारेण ‘प्रकृतिपुरुषविवेकज्ञानात् परब्रह्मावाप्तिः’ इत्येवम्. Comm. on Parama. Sar. 3. The contrasting of सांख्यनय, which cannot mean anything but the Sankhya system of philosophy, with शिवदृष्टिशासन would also show that the latter expression means only शिव-(or शैव-) दर्शनशास्त्र which is a rational system, and not any ‘mystic vision,' which must be supra-rational, 'of Shiva's law.'
It may also be noted in this connection that Dr. Barnett hag most likely been misled in making the following remarks:—
"Our Paramarthasara must be distinguished from another little work of the same name, of which an edition was published in 1907 at Madras, with a Telugu paraphrase by Pattisapu Venkateshvarudu. The latter consists of seventy-nine Arya verses; a considerable number of these are borrowed directly from our Paramarthasara, and with them have been incorporated others, the whole work being painted over with Vaishnava colours. Needless to say, it is valueless for the criticism of our book." (J. R. A. S. 1910, p. 708 ).
The Madras edition of the work alluded to by Dr. Barnett has not been accessible to me. But I take it to be the same as the one printed originally in the Shabda Kalpa-druma, sub voce वेदान्त and afterwards republished by Bhuvan Chandra Vasak (Calcutta 1890 A. C.) under the same name.
If so, this work is the very Adhara Karikas which Abhinava Gupta has admittedly adapted into his Paramartha-Sara.
MSS. of the Adhara Karikas— still known by this very title and not as Paramartha-Sara as the Calcutta, and presumably also the Madras text, is called—are procurable in Kashmir and I myself possess a copy. They contain practically the same text as the Calcutta (or the Madras) edition. This being the case, the text published in Calcutta (and Madras) is not perhaps so valueless for the criticism of the Paramartha-Sara of Abhinava Gupta as Dr. Barnett would think. On the contrary, a comparison of the two texts would prove, to my mind, interesting, and I propose to make it on another occasion.
The priority of the text which is published in Calcutta (and Madras) and which is the same text as is still known in Kashmir by the name of Adhara Karikas i.e. the Karikas of Adhara or Sheshanaga, according to the traditional Kashmiri interpretation (which is justified by the colophon of the Calcutta text), and not as Paramartha-Sara as said above, can also be proved, I think, by the fact that the verse
सर्वाकारो भगवानुपास्यते येन येन भावेन ।
तं तं भावं भूत्वा चिन्तामणिरिव समभ्येति ॥
quoted in his Spanda Pradipika (Introduction) by Utpala Vaishnava (not the famous author of the Pratyabhijna Karikas), who must have lived earlier than Abhinava Gupta, is not to be found in the latter's Paramartha-Sara while it occurs both in the Calcutta text as well as in the Kashmir MSS. of the Adhara Karikas. My reason for' saying that Utpala Vaishnava lived earlier than Abhinava Gupta and thereby claiming priority in age for the text quoted by him is, in the first place, a local Kashmiri tradition which places him before Abhinava Gupta. Secondly, while we know something, more or less, of almost all writers on Kashmir Shaivaism who flourished after Abhinava Gupta and all of whom show clear evidence of the influence of this great author, there is no trace whatever in the existing writings of Utpala Vaishnava either of this influence or of any allusion to Abhinava Gupta. This would be very strange as Utpala seems to have been a profound scholar and quotes from numerous works. Such a writer, if he had lived later than Abhinava Gupta, could not have omitted to quote or allude to the one all dominant and supreme authority on Shaivaism as Abhinava has been considered ever since he flourished in the 11th and 12th centuries of the Christian era.
Moreover, what is now known as the Adhara Karikaa in Kashmir must have been given that name after Abhinava Gupta composed his verses, which he not only adapted from the original Karikas attributed to Sheshanaga, but to which he gave even the very name of the original work. That the original work was known in Kashmir also as Paramartha-Sara and not as Adhara Karikas, prior to Abhinava’s treatise, would seem to be established from the fact that these original verses are still known outside Kashmir by their ancient name of Paramartha-Sara and not, as now in Kashmir, Adhara Karikas, which name, as just stated, was given to the verses later, to distinguish them from Abbinava's work because this also came to be known as Paramartha-Sara. If this be so, a Kashmiri author, who in quoting from a text alludes to it, as Utpala Vaishnava definitely does, not by its later Kashmiri designation of Adhara Karikas but by its ancient and pre-Abhinava-Guptan name, Paramartha-Sara, must have lived earlier than Abhinava.
A work, therefore, which is quoted by so ancient and learned an author and authority on Kashmir Shaivaism as Utpala Vaishnava must be regarded to be, cannot, I fear, be so summarily dismissed as Dr. Barnett is inclined to do.
Finally, because the work in question is, as Dr. Barnett puts it, 'painted over with Vaishnava colours,' it need not necessarily for that reason be treated with contempt as Dr. Barnett would seem to have done. On the contrary, it would seem to furnish much food for thought—provided my theory as to the age of the text be correct—to a student of the Hindu systems of Philosophy. For it is written—as is evident from even its opening verses and as is admitted explicitly by the commentator on Abhinava's Paramartha-Sara—from the Sankhya point of view, i.e. it is a Sankhya treatise. It is, however, not the form of Sankhya which has been sometimes termed Nirishvara but rather the other form, the Vaishnava form—as it may be called, taking the suggestion from Dr. Barnett—which underlies the philosophy of some of the Puranas and of the Manu-Samhita and is to be found treated in the Mahabharata. And if a work on this type of the Sankhya was made the basis of an important treatise by Abhinava, that work itself must have been regarded as very important in those days, so much so that even Abhinava thought it necessary that the then powerful system of Shaivaism should be presented, evidently to command influence, in a similar form. From this fact we may also surmise the place which the Vaishnava form of the Sankhya must have held in the thought of the country. It would indicate, too, that the Nirishvara Sankhya, of which the principal authoritative statement must be found in the so-called very recent Sankhya Sutras (and particularly in the much misunderstood Sutra, इश्वरासिद्धेः i. 92), is only a later growth, especially as there is hardly a passage which can be construed as an undoubted allusion to the Nirishvara view, in the older texts either of Ishvara Krishna or of the Tattva Samasa (also called the Sankhya Sutras). From all these considerations which I hope to develop on another occasion, the text published in Calcutta and Madras as the Paramartha-Sara and now known in Kashmir as the Adhara Karikas becomes an interesting study.
23. As another example of verses being called Sutras, the Pratyabhijna Sutra, which are really verses, may be mentioned.
24. The author of the Spanda Sutras is referred to as see संग्रहग्रन्थकृत् Spanda Pradipika on Sutra 1.
25. Ramakantha was most likely a pupil of Utpala, author of the Pratyabhijna, generally called Utpaladeva or Utpalacharya, and not of Utpala Vaishnava, author of the Spanda Pradipika, who was undoubtedly later than Utpaladeva whom he quotes. He would seem to have lived somewhat later than our Ramakantha also. For Utpala Vaishnava quotes Anandavardhana, author of the Dhvanyaloka. Now Anandavardhana was a contemporary of Muktakana (Raj. Tar., v. 34) who was an elder brother of Ramakantha and therefore must have lived also about the same time as the latter. And if Utpala Vaishnava lived after Anandavardhana and therefore after the latter's contemporary, Muktakana, as he undoubtedly did, he must have been also later than Ramakantha who was Muktakana's brother.
26. See above note; Utpala Vaishnava was the son of Trivikrama and was born at Narayanasthana which is represented by either the modern Narastan in the Tral valley, where there still exists an old temple, or the existing village of Narayanthal below Baramula ( most likely the former).
27. Dr. Bühler's MS. of the work is entered in his list as a complete one. I have not seen it. But to judge from the number of leaves of which the MS. is said to consist I am very doubtful if it extends beyond the first Nihshyanda.
28. See Hindu Realism on Hindu conception of philosophy.
29. तेषां (सोमानन्दपादानां ) हि ईदृशी शैली
स्वपक्षीन् परपक्षंश्च निःशेषेण न वेद यः ।
स स्वयं संशयाम्भोधौ निमज्जंस्तारयेत्कथम् ॥ Para. Trm. Viv. fol. 71. क.
30. ‘…. तर्को योगङ्गमुत्तमम् ।‘
इत्याद्युक्त्या परमोपादेय-स्वप्रकाश स्वात्मोश्वरप्रत्यभिज्ञानपरस्य तर्कस्य कर्तारो व्याख्यातारश्च
परं नमस्कर्तव्या इति ……. आह
श्रीसोमानन्दबोधश्रीमदुत्पलविनिःसृताः ।
जयन्ति संविदामोदसंदर्भा दिक्प्रसारिणः॥ Tantral. i. 10. with introductory Viv. Here Somananda is spoken of as तर्कस्य कर्ता (viz. in regard to स्वात्मेश्वरप्रत्यभिज्ञा) and Utpala as its व्यास्व्याता as we positively know the latter was. Needess to say the plural use of कर्तृ and व्याख्यातृ only implies गौरव.
31. The technical term now meaning a system of Philosophy, no doubt originally means a ‘View’ of things,— ‘a certain way of looking at things in general'—and in this sense was certainly interchangeable with the word दृष्टि. The Kashmir authors would seem to have a preference for this latter term which they often used in the technical sense of दर्शन. They were, in this regard, quite like the Buddhist writers who most often used दृष्टि (or its Pali form दिट्ठि) when they meant दर्शन. But even in the Buddhist literature, as in Kashmiri authors, the use of the word दर्शन (or its equivalent Pali दस्सन) is not unknown. We find it in its form, among others, in the Saleyyaka Sutta of the Majjhima-Nikaya (Maj. Ni. I. v. I.) and, in its Sanskrit form, in such works as Tantraloka Viveka (पारमेश्वरे दर्शने; see notes above) and Utpala’s commentary on the Shiva Drishti, Ahn. iii. 9.
In Kashmir the word दृक् also would seem to have been used for दर्शन, meaning Philosophy, i.e. a certain reasoned ‘view' of things, as, for instance, in the passage: एषा हि न सांख्यीया न वैदान्तिकी दृक्; Para. Trim. Viv., fol. 125.
32. A verse quoted in Para Trim. Viv. (fol. 124) is said to be taken from the 7th Ahnika of the Shiva Drishti.
33. This Utpala was, as said above, other than the author of the Spanda Paradipika.
34. Viz.:—
88 verses in the First Adhikara (subdivided into 4 Ahnikas)
53 verses in the Second Adhikara (subdivided likewise into 4 Ahnikas)
31 do in the Third Adhikara (subdivided into 2 Ahnikas)
and 18 do in the Fourth Adhikara (making Only one Ahnika)
There is discrepancy in the numbering of the verses in different Mss. leading at first to the notion that the total numbers in them really vary. But this is not the case. They all contain the same number of verses which for each Ahnika has been fixed by the Commentary.
35. श्रीसोमानन्दनाथस्य विज्ञानप्रतिबिम्बकम् । Ishv. Pra Vim., Intro.verse 2.
36. What Madhavacharya describes as Shaiva Darshana is, as a dualistic system, fundamentally different from the monistic Philosophy which constitutes Kashmir Shaivaism. See below Part Il; also Bhandarkar, p. 81.
37. Utpala wrote also a Tika on his Vritti. It must have been called ‘Vivrti’ and is practically lost now. I have seen only a few leaves of a mutilated Ms. of the work. For the rest, we are left to infer what it must have been like from the pratikas quoted in the Pratyabhijna-Vivriti- Vimarshini (or the Brihati Vritti as it is also called) of Abhinava Gupta. Utpala also wrote a commentary on his Master's Shiva Drishti, but it can now be had, like the latter work, only in fragments.
38. The MS. (in Devanagari characters) Of this work purchased for the Government by Dr. Bühler (No. 464 in his list) is also complete.
39. . a. MSS, of this work, so far as the text alone is concerned, are plentiful. It had a commentary also, called Viveka; but of this work complete MSS. are very rare,— I might say, not available. All MSS. of the work that I have seen end at the 10th chapter. Dr. Bühler's MS. of the Viveka which he procured at Delhi, is entered in his list as complete; but I doubt it very much. For what is given an extract from the beginning of this MS. (See Report pp. xxix and cxlviii ) is really the beginning of the Para Trimshika Vivarana of Abhinava Gupta and not of the Viveka all.
b. In addition to the works mentioned above, the Paramartha-Sara of Abhinava Gupta with its Commentary by bis pupil Yogaraja and the Pratyabhijna-Hridaya of Kshemaraja may be mentioned as important works on the system. For the true character of Paramartha-Sara, see ante p. 10, note 3. Pratyabhijna Hridaya is a small compendium and may said to bear, more or less, the same relation to the system as the Vedanta-Sara of Sadananda bears to the Vedanta system.
Both these works are included in series (the Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies)
c. The classification given above of the main branches of Shaiva literature of Kashmir is not what would be regarded as orthodox. The followers of the system no doubt recognise a three-fold classification but on a different principle. According to this method the three classes of the literature are called
(a) Para ( Higher ),
(b) Apara ( Lower)
and (c) Parapara (Higher-lower i.e. all-inclusive.
What deals with the purely doctrinal aspect of the subject, either as a system of Faith or Philosophy (ज्ञानप्रधान) such as the Shiva Drishti, is termed Para, while the branch dealing chiefly with the practical and ritual part (), like the Svachchhanda Tantra, is called Apara. The Parapara combines in it the nature of both, and is therefore regarded ag superior to either.
40. See below.
41. See illustration No. 1 (of the Mahadevagiri and its valley) in the Shiva Sutra Vimarshini (vol. I of this series).
42. The above passage is found quoted in certain MSS. where it is introduced with the words—तदुक्तं शिवदृष्टिवृतौ. From this it is clear that it originally occurred in the now lost Vritti composed by Somananda himself on his own great work Shiva Drishti.
We learn from this extract that Somananda claimed to be descended from the sage Durvasas, — who had been commanded by Shiva as Shrikantha to teach anew the Shivagama,— through the line of that sage's 'mind born' son Tryambaka whom Durvasas appointed to spread the knowledge of the Trika aspect of the Shivagama we are told in the Tantraloka (above notes). Up to the 15th generation the race of Tryambaka was continued by sons who had all been produced by their respective parents by the power of the mind, i.e. they were all born not of woman's womb but of the mind and were thus mind born sons.' The representative, however, of the 15th generation violated this rule and being enamoured of the daughter of a certain Brahmin took her for a wife and had born of her a son. This son, who was named Sangamaditya, the first in the line to be born of a woman's womb, came, in the course of bis wanderings, to Kashmir where he settled. Of him there was born Varshaditya who had a son named Arunaditya. Arunaditya had a son, Ananda by name. It is of this Ananda that Somananda was born.
43. Bühler Report p. 82.
44. In the Tika on the Sharada-Tilaka, the following passage occurs;—
श्रीकण्ठं वसुमन्तं (वसुप्तं) सोमानन्दं तथोत्पल।चार्यम् ।१
लक्ष्मणमभिनवयुप्तं वन्दे श्रीक्षेमराजं च ॥
Of the names mentioned berein, Somananda, Utpala Lakshmana, Abhinava and Kshemaraja form, as we know, line of spiritual succession, i.e. गुरुपरम्परा. It is also evident from the context that, the passage is intended to record the line of spiritual succession of the Shaiva teachers of Kashmir. This being so, and also in view of the fact that five names out of the seven mentioned in the list do represent such a line, it is quite reasonable to conclude that the remaining two also belong to the same line. If this conclusion be right, then Somananda was undoubtedly pupil of Vasugupta, who on his own part, had for his Guru Shiva himself as Shrikantha, as Stated in the Kashmiri tradition found embodied in the following verse
जयति गुरुरेक एव श्रीश्रीकण्ठो मुवि प्रथितः १
तदपरमूर्तिर्भगवान् महेश्वरो भूतिराजश्च ॥ Tantral, Ahn. i. 9.
The age of Somananda also points to the same conclusion, specially as we find nothing antagonistic to Vasugupta's view in the writings of Somananda who only supports by philosophic reasoning what had been taught by Vasugupta chiefly as matters of faith and religion.
45. See illustration No. 1 in the Shiva Sutra Vimarshini. The peak is indicated there by an arrow-mark.
46. A portion of the Sutras together with a translation of a part of the Vimarshini appeared in the Theosophist (Madras) for 1908. The author of this translation, labouring far away from Kashmir and ignorant of local tradition, naturally made many mistakes. He did not even know that Mahadeva-Giri meant a particular mountain in the valley of Kashmir and took it for a name of Kailasa.
47. Perhaps the earliest record of the version of the tradition which states that the Sutras were imparted to Vasugupta by Shiva himself in a dream, is to be found in the Spanda Vritti by Kalla!a who says:
लब्धं महादेवगिरौ महेशस्वप्नोपदिष्टाच्छिवसूत्रसिन्धोः ।
स्पन्दामृतं यद्वसुगुप्तपादैः श्रीकल्लटस्तत् प्रकटीचकार॥
But it knows nothing of the Sutras having been found inscribed on a rock as related by Kshemaraja, who most likely records a later development of the original tradition which simply stated that Vasugupta got the Sutras, not in the ordinary way from a mortal Guru, but from Mahadeva himself and in a dream in which Mahadeva appeared to him and taught him the Sutras.
This would also account for Shiva himself (as Shrikantha) having been regarded as the Guru of Vasugupta as stated in the passage quoted above from the Sharada Tilaka Tika and maintained by local tradition.
About the authenticity of the above verse, however, as a composition of Kallata, there is some doubt. For while it is no doubt found at the end of the MSS. of the Vritti by Kallata, it was evidently regarded, by the scribe of the Manuscript (or its archetype) now in the India Office Library in London and entered in its Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. (p. 832 as belonging to the Vivriti of Ramakantha. In Dr. Bhandarkar's MS. also (Report p. 77) the verse is similarly treated i.e. as belonging to the Vivriti (or Vivarana) of Ramakantha.
But if the verse is not a composition of Kallata, it is equally doubtful if it is either by Ramakantha to whom it is evidently attributed in the India Office and Bhandarkar MSS. It not only does not occur in the MSS. of the Vivriti I have seen but Ramakantha could not have written it without contradicting himself. For while in this verse, he would be saying, – if he were really its author—that Vasugupta was taught the Shiva Sutras by Mahadeva in a dream, he has said just a few lines above, in explaining the 52nd Karika (अगाधसंशयाम्भोधि &c.) that his master received these very things—for the words समस्तरहस्योपतिषद्धूतस्पन्दतत्व cannot possibly mean anything else—not from Shiva but from a Siddha. Surely he could not contradict himself so soon.
48. This Rama or Ramakantha is said to have been one of the pupils of Utpala, author of the Pratyabhijna Sutras, and as such a fellow student of Lakshmana, Guru of Abhinava Gupta. He therefore either was a contemporary of or lived slightly earlier than Utpala Vaishnava, son of Trivikrama and author of the Spanda Pradipika. This Utpala lived as we know later than Utpala, the Pratyabhijna-kara, but must have been senior to Abhinava Gupta as I have tried to show above.
49. See Varttika where the Sutras are often introduced with such phrases as सूत्रमाह महेश्वरः or शिवः सूत्रमरीरचत्. Comp. also the closing statement of the same work which is
इतिप्रकरणत्रयं सुधटमीषदुन्मीलितं मया शिवमुखोद्रतं सुमतिसिद्धये सांप्रतम् ।
विचार्य गतमत्सरैर्बुधजनैर्गुणग्राहिभिः सुसेव्यमिह तेष्वलं भवतु सिद्धिमोक्षप्रदम् ॥
50. See his Introductions to the Spanda Sandoha and the Spanda Nirnaya and also Shiv. Su. Vim. पृ० ३.
51. To judge from the colophons of MSS. of the Karikas only (without the commentaries) wherein they are always ascribed to Vasugupta.
52. Ramakantha explains the phrase गुरुभारती at the end of the Karikas as the words of Vasugupta thereby evidently meaning that the Karikas were composed by Kallata embodying therein the 'words' of his master.
Ubpala Vaishnava says:—
अयमत्र किलाम्नायः सिद्धमुखेनागतं रहस्यं यत् ।
तद्भट्टकल्लटेन्दुर्वसुगुप्तगुरोरवाप्य शिष्याणाम् ।
अववोधार्थमनुष्टप्-पश्चाशिकयात्र संग्रहं कृतवान् ॥Sp. Prad., Intro.
He also reads the following at the end as part of the original: —
वसुगुप्तादवाप्येदं गुरोस्तत्त्वार्थदर्शिनः ।
रहस्यं श्लोकयामास सम्यक् श्रीभट्टकल्लटः ॥
This verse, however, is not to be found in the MSS. of the Spanda Vritti by Kallata or of the Vivriti by Ramakantha.
53. Translated, more or less freely, from the following orginal:—
श्रीमन्महादेवगिरौ वसुगुप्तगुरोः पुरा ।
सिद्धादेशात् प्रादुरासञ्छिवसूत्राणि तस्य हि ॥
सरहस्यान्यतः सोऽपि प्रादाद्भट्टाय सूरये ।
श्रीकल्लटाय सोऽप्येवं चतुःखण्डानि तान्यथ ॥
व्याकरोत्रिकमेतेभ्यः स्पन्दसूत्रैः स्वकैस्ततः ।
तत्त्वार्थचिन्तामण्याख्यटीकया खण्डमन्तिमम् ॥
The word त्रिक in the above does not refer, as might be supposed, to the technical name of the system or to the triple principles of रिव-शक्ति-अणु which that name implies, but to the three divisions out of the four into which the Shiva Sutras would seem to have been divided. Only three divisions of the Shiva Sutras, alluded to here as त्रिक, very likely formed the basis of the Spanda Sutras or Karikas, while the fourth division of the Sutras were apparently reserved for a different treatment, namely, in the form of a commentary, properly so called, on them. This commentary on the fourth division of the Shiva Sutras, as distinguished from the Karikas written on the other three divisions, was called Tattvartha Chintamani and is now lost. We now know it only from quotations made from it, as for instance in the Shiv. Su. Vim., Para Trim. Viv., fol. 62 and Pratybhijna Hridaya.
Kallata would seem to have written a Commentary, properly so called, also on the three divisions of the Shiva Sutras which apparently formed the basis of the Spanda Karikas. It seems to have been called Madhuvahini, to judge from the following passage occurring in the Prat. Viv. Vim. (Brihati):—
तदुक्तमिति शिवसूत्रवृत्योर्मधुवाहिनीतत्त्वार्थचिन्तामण्योर्भदृश्रीकल्लटपादैः ।
As the commentary Tattvaratha Chintamani is expressly said to have been written on the fourth division of the Shiva Sutras, this other commentary, Madhuvahini, was composed very likely on the three divisions of the Shiva Sutras which formed the basis of the Spanda Karikas.
The statement that the Spanda Karikas were based only on three, out of the four, divisions of the Shiva Sutras would seem to bBe justified by the fact that Kalatta’s own Vritti on the Spanda Karikas divides the latter work also into three sections (not four as in the Viritti of Ramakantha who was a later writer).
54. That the Spanda Karikas and the Spanda Sutras are the same may be gathered from Shiv. Su. Vim. पृ० ९ and also from references made explicitly to the Karikas as Sutras, for instance, by Ramakantha speaking of them as स्पन्दार्थसूत्रावली.
55. See the verse quoted above.
56. This theory, if accepted, has the advantage that it would account for the phrase गुरुभारती in the 52nd Karika referred to above. It would also explain why the divisions of the Karikas according to Kallata's own Vritti are called Nihshyandas or streams, namely, of the 'amrita of Spanda.' And if Kallata retained even the name given to the sections of the original, it is not likely that he altered much of the original composition of his master. It would also seem to account, on the one hand, for the use of the words श्रीकल्लटस्तत् प्रकटीचकार in the verse quoted above, and, on the other, for the colophons found in all MSS. which I have seen of the Spanda Karikas by themselves, in which they are invariably attributed to Vasugupta.
57. See above.
58. The 'Spanda Karikas' are spoken of as a संग्रहग्रन्थ; see above note; also संग्रह कृतवान् in Sp. Prad. Intro.
59. See note above.
60. एवं रहस्यमप्येष मातुलेयाय चावदत् ।
श्रीमत्प्रद्युम्नभट्टाय सोऽपि स्वतनयाय च॥
श्रीमत्प्रज्ञार्जुनाख्याय प्रादात्सोऽप्येवमावदत् ।
श्रीमहादेवभट्टाय स्वशिष्यायाप्यसौ पुनः ॥
श्रीमच्छ्रीकण्ठभट्टाय प्रददौ स्वसुताय च |
तस्माप्राप्य करोम्येष सूत्रवार्तिकमादरात् ॥
दैवाकरिर्भास्करोऽहमन्तेवासिगणेरितः ।
Continuation of passage quoted in note above. The एष in the first line of this portion of the extract refers of course to Kallata.
61. See above note.
62. The chief existing works of Kshemaraja are:—
• Pratyabhijna Hridaya
• Spanda Sandoha
• Spanda Nirnaya,
• Svachchhandoddyota
• Netroddyota
• Vijnana—Bhairavoddyota (only a portion of this work exists incorporated in Shivopadhayaya's commentary on the Vijnana Bhairava. See the concluding verse of the latter work).
• Shiva Sutra Vritti(?) (see ante)
• Shiva Sutra Vimarshini
• Stava Chintamani Tika
• Utpala-Strotavali Tika
• Para—Praveshika
• Tattva Sandoha &c.
63. See the second of the introductory verses and the last verse of his Paramartha-Sara Vivriti.
64. Bühler's Report pp. 82 and cxlix to cliv.
65. For an account and date of Sukha Jivana in whose time Shivopadhyaya lived and wrote, see Hasan Shah's Persian History of Kashmir.
66. The word Pandit as used in Kashmir now unfortunately means any descendant of a Brahmin family who still keeps within the fold of the Hindu community, no matter how ignorant and illiterate he may be, and there are hundreds, if not thousands, of 'Pandits' who are absolutely illiterate.
67. Mukula, who wrote the Alankarodaharana and Vivahatattvanusmarana gives Kallata as the name of his father. It is however doubtful if he was the son of our Kallata.